In the lifespan of every Parliament there is always a strange happening or moment. For the Fifth Parliament of the Second Republic, this moment has come too soon – too soon as in the ninth month of its proclamation. Without one iota of doubt, the contempt proceedings against Dr. James Vibbi, the Executive Chairman of Produce Monitoring Board on Thursday 17th January, 2019 will enter the Hansard of the Fifth Parliament as a moment when the Bar of the House was confronted with a bizarre happening. Chroniclers of parliamentary events would be tempted to say that the contempt proceedings for that day tested the resolve and the penal jurisdiction of the House.
The question on the lips of many is: does Parliament have the power to punish for Contempt? A big YES to this question is the purpose of this article. Contempt of Parliament is a matter of parliamentary privilege. To this end, Section 95 of the Constitution of Sierra Leone (Act No.6 of 1991) states:
Any act or omission which obstructs or impedes Parliament in the performance of its functions, or which obstructs or impedes any Member or officer thereof in the discharge of his duties or affronts the dignity of Parliament, or which tends either directly or indirectly to produce such a result shall be a contempt of Parliament
Sir Thomas Erskine May’s Treatise of Law, Privilege, Proceedings and Usage of Parliament describe parliamentary privilege thus:
The sum of the peculiar rights enjoyed by each House collectively as a constituent part of the High Court of Parliament, and by members of each House individually, without which they could not discharge their functions, and which exceed those possessed by other bodies or individuals
The collective privilege espoused by Erskine May gives Parliament a quasi-judicial or penal jurisdiction to punish or discipline persons guilty of contempt. In support of May’s citation, Section 96 of the Constitution of Sierra Leone (Act No.6 of 1991) states:
Where an act or omission which constitutes contempt of parliament is an offence under the criminal law, the exercise by Parliament of the power to punish for contempt shall not be a bar to the institution of proceedings under the criminal law
Since the restoration of democracy in 1996, the Parliament of Sierra Leone has found a number of its members, public officials and private individuals in contempt of the House. Dr. Vibbi’s contempt proceedings is not the first contempt proceedings of the House but in several respects, this particular one has unique characteristics. On Tuesday 15th January, 2019, Parliament summoned Dr. Vibbi to appear at the Bar of the House to answer to allegations levelled against him by Hon. Veronica K. Sesay, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Oversight Committee on Trade and Industry. Dr. Vibbi apologized to the entire membership of the House for discourtesy and calculated infraction on the privilege of a Member of the House. The Hon. Speaker ordered that for Dr. Vibbi to purge himself of the contempt, he should ensure the following:
Write a letter of apology to Hon. Veronica K. Sesay and by extension to the membership of the entire House
Withdraw the discourteous letter of complaint written against Hon. Veronica K. Sesay and
Re-instate the officers he had suspended from duty pending the re- constitution of the Produce and Monitoring Board as provided for in Section 3 of the 2013 Act. He was required to adhere to this ruling not later than 16th January, 2019 at 10am prompt.
Parliament did not order Dr. Vibbi, who was an appointee of the Executive and approved by the very House he was arraigned before, to act unlawfully; but in a web of interrelated issues, he was merely asked to re-instate officers he had summarily suspended or dismissed. During the contempt proceedings, it became very clear that Dr. Vibbi’s action in suspending or dismissing the officers was in contravention of both the Act that created the Agency itself and the directives of the supervisory Ministry (Ministry of Trade and Industry).
Based on the earlier advice given by the supervisory Ministry and in tandem with the interpellation powers of Parliament, the House adjudged that the Executive Chairman had acted unilaterally. Dr. Vibbi’s adamant mannerism and his lack of basic respect and administrative knowledge in public sector management warranted the Speaker’s ruling of 17th January, 2019. The House was unanimous in its view that his action before the House was prima facie in contempt in the face of Parliament. And by law, Parliament has the power to punish contempt in its face which is a criminal offence in Sierra Leone.
Dr. Abdulai O. Conteh in his Essay on the Sierra Leone Constitution, 1991 states that in law, there are two kinds of contempt: criminal contempt or contempt in the face and civil contempt or contempt not in the face. He further agrees that “contempt” whether of court or of Parliament is to ensure not only the dignity and proper functioning of the body concerned but also to ensure compliance with orders and decisions given (p51). As one of the drafters of the 1991 constitution, he agrees that Sections 95 and 96 of the Constitution of Sierra Leone (Act No. 6 of 1991) are draconian which in his opinion is contrary to the time-honoured maxim – Nemo juex in re sua causa – No one should be a judge in his own court. Nevertheless, Dr. Conteh submits that it is reasonable and proper for Parliament to have powers to deal with, even summarily, any behaviour that affronts the dignity of the House. The event of 17th January, 2019 was one such event.
What is clear in all of these is the fact that the role of Parliament is political and understanding the principle of Separation of Powers vis-a-vis Checks and Balances which speaks to that role is fundamental. It is a considered element in the principle of Checks and Balances that each branch of government is subject to a number of restraints by the other branches – meaning power must be used to offset power. That is why any legal opinion expressed on this matter would suggest the infringement on the fundamental rights of the contemnor, the use of excessive force by Parliament and the denial of natural justice. In the scheme of things surrounding the ruling of the Speaker, the Chief Executive of the State – H.E. the President has the reserve through a presidential fiat called presidential pardon to purge Dr. Vibbi from the imprisonment for punishment reasons that was slammed by the House – which is a best practice in presidential system of government. In a commonsense understanding, if Parliament punishes an Executive appointee for contempt of the House, the Chief Executive of the State has the power to pardon the contemnor and the Judiciary will now determine whether both the Legislature and the Executive branches of government acted lawfully in the process. Afterall, there is always unity in diversity in the governance architecture of Sierra Leone. Above all of this, the Chief Executive of the State is also a Member of Parliament as stated in subsection 1 of Section 73 of the Constitution of Sierra Leone which read thus:
There shall be a legislature of Sierra Leone which shall be known as Parliament, and shall consist the President, the Speaker and Members of Parliament
Beyond Sierra Leone, contempt of Parliament is viewed in varying ways by Parliaments the world over. It is procedurally impossible to give guidance as to how any House of Parliament may react to it at any given point in time. In fact, when there is a situation amounting to Contempt of Parliament as stated in Section 96 of the Constitution of Sierra Leone (Act No. of 1991), the Parliament of Sierra Leone like many other Parliaments in the world has the power to imprisonment for punishment reasons, imprisonment for coercive reasons and the privilege to release or take no action.
In the United States, the criminal offence of Contempt of Congress sets the penalty at not less than one month nor more than twelve months in jail and a fine of not more than $100,000. In a Supreme Court case Anderson v. Dunn, the court upheld the quasi- judicial powers of Congress to punish someone as a deterrent to ensure Congress is not exposed to indignity, interruption, rudeness and conspiracy.
In the United Kingdom, the House of Lords has the penal jurisdiction to fine as well as to order imprisonment for a term of years. The House of Commons on the other hand, has exercised this privilege since 1866 to date. Alexander Murray was called to the Bar of the House of Commons charged with malpractice at a City of Westminster Election. Found guilty by the House, he was ordered into custody at the Newgate Prison until the end of that parliamentary session. When hearing sentence, he refused to kneel at the Bar and was further found guilty of a “high and most contempt of the authority and privilege of the House” The House further ordered that while in Newgate (Murray) “be not allowed the use of pens, ink or paper: and that no person be admitted to have access unto him, without the leave of this House (HC Journal 6 February 1750). The Brexit political comedy of recent times is an exceptional instance where the House of Commons found a Government guilty of contempt and ordered Prime Minister Madam Theresa May to publish the advice of the Attorney General on the Brexit negotiations. Her initial refusal to publish the Attorney General’s advice warranted contempt proceedings against her government. At the end, the advice was published and her Government is still struggling to survive the vestiges of the contempt proceedings and the Brexit political tragi-comedy.
In Australia, Browne- Fitzpatrick privilege case is an instance in which Fitzpatrick and three (3) others were convicted by the Australian Parliament to ninety (90) days each in jail for publishing a libelous article against a Member of Parliament. The Parliamentary Privilege Act of 1987 provided for a punishment of a fine of $5000 and or a six (6) month imprisonment.
In Ghana, there has always been this question of Contempt of Parliament or contempt of the people? In 2015 alone, Parliament of Ghana had several contempt proceedings against some of its citizens. Prominent amongst them were the proceedings against Professor Alex Dodoo and the famous Reggae Musician and Broadcast Journalist Blakk Rasta. Prof. Dodoo was charged for a public statement he made that was deemed contemptuous of the House whilst Blakk Rasta was reported to have said that 80% of Parliamentarians in Ghana smoke marijuana. What is interesting about the Ghanaian situation was that both Prof. Dodoo and the Reggae Musician unreservedly apologized to the House and carried the needful orders of the House. Parliament in turn was magnanimous enough to accept the apology and exercised the power to release or take no action on the contempt charges. Notwithstanding the posture of Parliament on this matter, critics of Parliament questioned the authority of Parliament to have brought those people before the House. The House was of the opinion that their action was lawful and therefore the Speaker asked the critics of Parliament to head to the courts if they so wished. As I write this piece, there is no substantive matter before the courts on the stated contempt proceedings by the Parliament of Ghana.
In conclusion, contempt of Parliament is a criminal offence under the laws of Sierra Leone and the actions of the Fifth Parliament in protecting the dignity of the House is equally a constitutional requirement. Parliaments across the world have reacted differently to the charges of contempt as illustrated in the breadth of this article. Although in the evolving dynamics of democratic governance, Parliaments in modern democracies have shown increasing reluctance to exercise their penal powers, in the case of the Executive Chairman of Produce Monitoring Board, Parliament clearly stretched and exhausted its limits of patience. For all the reasons, Parliament is not only the supreme legislative embodiment of the State, but it is also a political Assembly.
From the spectacles of an outsider, Dr. Vibbi’s contempt proceedings have generated a lot of debate touching on natural justice, protection of fundamental human rights, the principle of separation of powers and the action or inaction of public officials of the State. This matter has further asked Parliament and the general public some salient questions: How do you vet presidential nominees? Is the general public interested in the vetting process of appointees brought before the House to serve in public offices? Notwithstanding the lack of answers to these questions, Parliament can bulletproof itself from future criticism if a Parliamentary Privilege Act is enacted to guide as to how to react to matters relating to privilege, immunity and responsibilities of the House, its Members and officers.